Chris Murphy’s Evolution— And The Big Tests Ahead... Is This Guy The Best Option For President?
- Howie Klein
- Jun 20
- 4 min read

Longtime DWT readers know just who Chris Murphy is. In 2006 we helped the then-25 year old Murphy defeat powerful GOP incumbent Nancy Johnson and make the jump from the Connecticut state Senate to Congress. Murphy is now a 51 year old U.S. Senator. But to most Americans he’s a new face. And, if he runs for president, as seems likely, that’s a good thing. A new Ipsos poll found that most Democrats want new blood in the party leadership. Democratic voters “see their elected officials as not focused on helping families make ends meet and reducing corporate influence… 86% of Democrats said changing the federal tax code so wealthy Americans and large corporations pay more in taxes should be a priority, more than the 72% of those surveyed think party leaders make it a top concern… Dissatisfaction over the party's priorities on several economic policies was stronger among younger Democrats. For example, only 55% of Democrats aged 18-39 thought the party prioritized paid family leave that would allow workers to care for sick family members and bond with a new baby, but 73% said it was a priority for them. Among older Democrats, the same share— 68%— that said the issue was a priority for them said it was a priority for party leaders… Democratic respondents said the party should be doing more to promote affordable childcare, reduce the price of prescription drugs, make health insurance more readily available and support mass transit. They view party leaders as less passionate about those issues than they are, the poll found.
After years as a New Dem “moderate,” Murphy seems to have learned that lesson and gone in a more economically-populist direction. His journey from a cautious New Dem to, more recently, one of the Senate’s more populist voices has been one of the more interesting transformations in Democratic politics. It’s not just rhetorical. There are real votes, real bills and real public signals that Murphy understands the stakes of this moment. But progressive voters have been burned before, and Murphy still has a case to make if he wants to lead the movement, not just borrow its language.
Murphy’s early record— as a state legislator and as a New Democrat in the House— reflected the dominant ideology of the post-Clinton Democratic Party: socially liberal, economically corporate-curious. He backed ethics reforms and civil rights legislation, was always good on labor issues but he wasn’t challenging the prevailing orthodoxy on taxes, trade or corporate power. Like many Dems of that era, he seemed more interested in “competence” and “pragmatism” than in structural change.
But the Trump-era Senate— and the nation’s crises— seem to have reshaped his politics. I’d say that gun violence, in particular, became the crucible that pushed Murphy beyond the safe middle ground. His leadership after Sandy Hook, including the 15-hour filibuster and his role in crafting the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act, gave him moral credibility that few in Congress possess. His proponents say that he didn’t just make noise on guns; he delivered meaningful federal legislation, something few Democrats in recent memory have done in that arena. His Bipartisan Safer Communities Act (2022) was passed by both chambers (65-33 in the Senate, 234-193 in the House) and signed into law by Biden. In other key areas like labor, antitrust and health care, he’s played an active role in shaping the progressive conversation and co-sponsoring strong bills, even if that work still remains aspirational, not legislative.
Today, Murphy is speaking the language of economic populism. He champions raising the minimum wage, banning non-compete clauses, challenging monopolies and— for a U.S. Senator not named Sanders or Warren— even tweaking the structure of capitalism itself. His interest in social connection and mental health, while sometimes cast as soft issues, point to a deeper critique of how our economy and culture isolate and exploit people. I feel confident that there’s something there.
But here’s the thing: progressives aren’t grading on a curve anymore. A kind word about labor or a strong speech about gun violence isn’t enough. We’ve seen too many politicians evolve just far enough to win the moment and then snap back to the center when the pressure lifts. The real test is in what comes next. Will Murphy continue to embrace a vision that doesn’t just regulate the excesses of capitalism but rewrites its rules? Will he side with working people over private equity when it really matters? Will he fight to tax extreme wealth and fund the kind of public investment this country needs? Or will he pull a Pete Buttigieg and try to please everyone?
Murphy passes the social justice test easily— no red flags on choice, LGBTQ equality or racial justice. That’s the floor. We all know what a warrior he’s been in the battle against Trump; good. But what he does on economic justice, corporate power and the redistribution of wealth and opportunity— that’s the ceiling. And that’s where we’ll continue to watch closely.
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