At The Very Heart Of Trumpism— An Overt Celebration Of Unadulterated Corruption
- Howie Klein
- Mar 13
- 5 min read

Last year, nearly half of American voters (49.8%)— 77,302,580 of us— had all sorts of reasons to support Trump from bigotry, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, economic frustration, distrust of institutions, desire for change, Christian nationalism, conspiracy theories (QAnon, deep state paranoia), outright authoritarianism, resentment toward cultural progressivism, a low enough IQ to admire his business background… not to mention the influence of right-wing media, propaganda and disinformation, which fuel a lot of the distrust and radicalization. Oops… I almost felt out a biggie: corruption. Yeah, people vote for corruption. They admire it.
Think I’m crazy? Why would some people actually admire corruption? For some, it’s not a flaw— it’s a feature. There’s a long tradition of equating corruption with power, cunning, and the ability to outmaneuver a rigged system. Machiavelli, in The Prince, famously argued that rulers should focus on maintaining power rather than adhering to conventional morality or any kind of moral purity. This idea— that corruption is just part of how the game is played— resonates with those who see politics as a battlefield where only the ruthless survive. Some Trump supporters admire his corruption because they see it as proof that he's beating the system rather than being controlled by it. His corruption— and his inner circle’s corruption— isn’t disqualifying to his supporters; it’s proof that he knows how to win. In their minds, he’s not being played by the system; he’s playing the system. And in an America where millions feel shut out of prosperity, that kind of rule-breaking looks less like a crime and more like a survival strategy.
There’s also the populist paradox—where a corrupt politician is seen as more “authentic” than an honest one. Research in political psychology suggests that when people distrust institutions, they may embrace corrupt figures who appear to be outsiders, even if they are enriching themselves. Scholars like Yascha Mounk and Jan-Werner Müller have explored how populist leaders weaponize corruption accusations— portraying themselves as warriors against a corrupt establishment, even as they engage in corruption themselves. Right-wing media has trained its audience to believe that everyone in politics is corrupt, so why not back the guy who flaunts it openly? Trump doesn’t just engage in corruption; he revels in it, turning every self-dealing scam into a middle finger to the establishment, the way he did Tuesday at the White House helping Musk peddle Teslas. In doing so, he taps into a deeper cultural admiration for rule-breakers, from outlaw folk heroes to the Nietzschean idea that the strong shouldn’t be constrained by the morality of the weak. Corruption, for these voters, isn’t just excusable— it’s aspirational.
Yesterday, Don Moynihan noted that Trump and Musk, veering from ideological targeting to cronyism, are building a new spoils system. He wrote that a fundamental democratic norm is that laws are implemented as written and applied equally to all. Yet under Trump— and encouraged by Musk— we see a blatant erosion of this principle. He withheld emergency aid from blue-leaning areas, and now his administration has institutionalized this approach, turning budget implementation into a spoils system. Republican lawmakers are able to protect their districts from cuts, while Democratic areas bear the brunt. DOGE (and other departments) openly favor GOP requests, making government services contingent on political loyalty.
Trump and his allies have also embraced impoundment— illegally withholding appropriations to reshape spending in alignment with their own priorities. This unconstitutional power grab effectively nullifies congressional authority. Republicans in Congress, despite knowing that Trump is stripping them of their power, go along with it because they benefit politically. “While they publicly decry government spending,” wrote Moynihan, “they privately ensure their own districts are spared from cuts. DOGE is accepting requests from Republican officials to reverse cuts in their jurisdictions. It is a form of spoils system in reverse: your pet projects will be spared from elimination. CNN describes the pattern: ‘Republican lawmakers are enjoying more access— and having more success— in their attempts to convince the White House to reverse cuts to certain programs and workers, while Democrats are largely striking out. Even in cases where they are advocating for the same thing, Republicans are able to leverage entry points into Trump administration in ways that Democrats simply can’t, leaving them in the dark on many of the recent reversals the administration has agreed to. House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole said Friday that after working closely with the Trump administration and DOGE, he was able to keep open offices in his district that provide key Social Security, health care and weather services that had been at risk of shutting down. Meanwhile, Democratic Rep. Steven Horsford of Nevada told CNN that when DOGE moved to end a Social Security services location in his district, he wasn’t notified and didn’t have the information needed to help his constituents. My constituents deserve the same treatment that Rep. Cole’s are receiving, but that’s not happening, Horsford said.’ This is not altogether surprising. Previous research shows that under conditions of politicization, the executive branch becomes less responsive to Congress generally, and especially to requests from members of the opposing party.”

Beyond budget manipulation, Trump is purging public sector employees based on ideology. Research shows agencies perceived as liberal face disproportionate layoffs, while conservative-leaning departments remain intact. This isn’t about efficiency— it’s about cementing control and eliminating opposition. The administration is even pushing to make hiring decisions more political, ensuring federal agencies are staffed only by loyalists.
This isn’t governance— it’s a shakedown. If Congress allows the executive branch to continue ignoring laws and rewarding only those who show political fealty, the foundation of American democracy will be fundamentally compromised.
You don’t have to be a game theorist to see how those dynamics shift power from Congress to the executive branch. The Greatest Deliberative Body in the World voluntarily becomes supplicants to the richest man in the world, humbly asking for favors and help.
This is also a model of cronyism and spoils, where your access to public services depends upon party affiliation. Over time, residents who live in blue areas, with Democratic representatives, experience more and more cuts to public services.
To be clear, Republican voters are still worse off under this equilibrium. Their representatives are seeking, hat in hand, exceptions from a broader pattern of a reduced public services. The aggregate outcome is still less services, and not all requests for exceptions will be granted.
…This is not the 19th century spoils system built just on quid pro quos; it is also about destroying perceived enemy capacities. A Republican familiar with Musk’s downsizing plans told Wired: “You know none of this is about saving money, right? It’s all about destroying a liberal power base.”
For example, keep an eye also on which universities are targeted for cuts. After removing $400 million from Columbia, the White House announced a $100 million cut in US Department of Agriculture funds to the University of Maine system— mostly directed on research and outreach that benefits rural communities— after Trump clashed with the Governor over her refusal to accept policies that would exclude transgender athletes from sports.
There are just a few aspects of the new spoils system and the corruption it breeds. A whole other topic is the defanging of government oversight of contracts (e.g., the closing of 18F) and private businesses (e.g., the gutting of CFPB, while private businesses are paying up to five million dollars to meet and curry favor with Trump.
In short: Trump and Musk are engaged in a broad-based downsizing of government, using that downsizing to selectively target their enemies, while expanding their political power by trading exceptions to the downsizing.
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